Government rescue packages: Neither moral nor practical
Sunday, February 22nd, 2009There are at least two ways of critiquing the economic “rescue” packages that have been squirting out of Washington lately—morally and practically. The moral side of it asks “Is it right?” while the practical side asks “Will it work?” Both the Legislative and Executive branches of government want you to believe that the answer to both is “yes,” but, I’m here to disagree.
I think the answer to both is a resounding “No!” Let’s look at the moral question first. What the government is proposing is a redistribution of wealth. That is, after all, the only tool the government really has in the first place. Uncle Sam has the ability to tax those who create things of value on His turf. I.e., those who put their minds or their labor to productive use must submit a portion of the things of value created by their efforts to the government for redistribution. Presumably, this is done under the flags of justice, fairness and security. If each individual were to reap 100 percent of the benefits from his or her efforts, then societies’ levels of justice, fairness and security would go down, or so the theory goes. It is, therefore, these flags of justice, fairness and security that make the government’s redistributive powers morally valid. The government is right to tax your efforts because it will redistribute your wealth in a way that is fairer, more just and more secure than if you were to spend that wealth yourself.
Now, most of us are accustomed to this redistribution of our wealth because we have been taxed since birth. Since we have all accepted it for so long, I suppose we’re not as interested in the question of whether the government ought to have this power at all; rather we’re generally more interested in the question of how much the government ought to tax us, and for what purposes. This is where we find ourselves when we consider the implications of the trillions of dollars in economic rescue packages. Is it morally right for the government to decide for you that these trillions of your dollars ought to be spent to prop up failing banks, failing automotive companies, indebted consumers, the unemployed, and many other expensive failures? Since the sum of these rescue packages is in the trillions of dollars, we’re talking about an enormous redistribution of wealth. I.e., those who are able to produce will have more of their created wealth taken away from them (either through taxation or inflation) in order to give that wealth to those who have not been able to produce for themselves, for whatever reason. This is the moral question: Is such a massive redistribution of wealth right?
It is worth noting that there are two layers to this moral question: A) the event of taking wealth from the one who created it; and B) the event of giving wealth to one who did not create it. Now, few would have a problem with (B) by itself—this is what we might call “charity.” I, therefore, do not have a moral problem with (B), so long as the one doing the giving is doing so voluntarily. My moral objection to the government’s redistribution of wealth thus lies exclusively within (A). To (forcefully) take wealth away from the one who created it is a moral violation in my opinion, and it is exceedingly immoral when the quantity of wealth taken is inordinately large, as is the case with these rescue packages. I therefore answer “no” to the moral question.
The United States, however, is not a particularly “principled” nation these days so moral questions aren’t all that important to people anymore. We’re more of a consumerist, ego-centric, hedonistic society so all we really care about is whether something will actually “work”—more specifically, we only care whether something will work for us. This is where the practical question comes in: “Will these rescue packages work as advertised?”
Having paid fairly close attention to the news reports about the rescue packages, my best estimate is that the only measure of the efficacy of the rescue plans is the avoidance of an economic apocalypse. In other words, in exchange for our trillions of dollars, our lives are expected to get worse—substantially worse according to some estimates—regardless of the rescue spending. This makes the practical question rather difficult to address; instead of measuring improvements in the functioning of society, we’re measuring rates of deterioration. It’s sort of like treating cancer: there’s no such thing as a “cure,” but there’s plenty of business out there for those who find ways to slow it down. In any case, I think there are ways to estimate the practical value of these rescue packages.
One way, and the only one I’m going to consider here, is to look at the human side of the economic equation. Humans are of course central to a functioning economy in that they are the ones doing the producing and consuming of the things of value. Therefore, if you know something about human nature, you know something about whether a rescue plan will work. The aspect of human nature I want to draw on here is the school of thought developed in psychology known as behaviorism.
What behaviorist theories propose is that a target human behavior can be escalated or deescalated based, partially, on the nature of the consequences associated with the target behavior. When a target behavior is tied to a desirable consequence, that person is likely to repeat the target behavior. Likewise, when a target behavior is tied to undesirable consequences, that person is likely to abstain from the target behavior. Knowing this, we can estimate what the effects of rescue packages might be on the humans impacted by such policies.
On the one hand, those who produce the wealth (the target behavior) in the society will experience a greater loss of their earned wealth (an undesirable consequence). According to the behaviorist model, this scenario, taken by itself, would have the effect of making the person less likely to perform the target behavior; i.e. the person would abstain from producing wealth. On the other hand, those who do not produce wealth (the target behavior) in the society under the rescue plan would then experience an increase in redistributed wealth (a desirable consequence). Therefore, the behaviorist model would predict that the target behavior would be rewarded, and therefore more likely to be repeated. In other words, the rescue plan would encourage people to be unproductive.
Now, I think it is safe to say that the rescue packages are advertised as increasing productivity in society. But, if we look at it from this behaviorist model, the rescue packages would be doing the exact opposite. The plans would be rewarding unproductive behaviors while penalizing the productive ones. This fact gives me good reason to answer “no” to the practical question. These rescue plans will not work as advertised.